Unpacking Colonial Trauma in Ugandan Elections

Yesterday was the first time I sat down to hear Kizza Besigye, the former face of Ugandan opposition, speak. A quick google search later and I was listening to this speech he gave at the Oxford Union just last year. 

“We (Ugandans) have no control over our citizenship.” he said as I nodded my head in approval. 

In a somewhat omniscient fashion, he prescribed the reason for our misfortunes as a country to the unequal distribution of rights. As in most cases, it starts with the British who brutalised, defiled and subsequently colonised the territories we now call Uganda. The people living here were stripped of their rights all in the service of her majesty Queen Victoria. Flash forwards to a postcolonial Uganda in which no transition of power over the presidency has eluded bloodshed. In the 58 years of Uganda as an independent country, millions of Ugandans have been the victims of political violence. 

President Museveni’s forceful takeover of the government in 1986 promised an introduction of sanity and dignity within the Ugandan political sphere. As he swore in as President, he gave this speech where he proudly declared that; “This is not a mere change of guards. I think this is a fundamental change in the politics of our government.” How wrong we were.

34 years later, this “fundamental change” has a Uganda in which Museveni still retains the Presidency. Keep in mind, this is the same man who in 1986 wrote that: “The problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power.”  So much for the so-called “fundamental change”.

Uganda’s history has been fraught with this same senseless violence of who gets to control the masses. Besgiye ascribes this to the fact that this attitude is a colonial remnant. A seed planted by the British as they pillaged Uganda over control over its people and resources.  In short, our citizenship was lost.  We lost control over our political, social and economic destinies as a people from the time the British missionaries landed in Uganda till now. Once colonialism “ended”, power was merely shifted onto those that sought to equate themselves to the level of the former colonial masters. Those unlucky to be part of the elite were excluded from having their citizenship. They, the majority of Ugandans have been denied the right to demand more from their leaders.

I recognize that this diagnosis of Ugandan electoral politics glosses over the complexities present within the country. However, it is an angle that  allows us to understand the root of the problem. For once we realise this, we will realise that we are a nation in need of healing our shared colonial trauma.

Luckily Franz Fanon left us with some fragments of a solution: 

“To politicize the masses is to make the nation in its totality a reality for every citizen. Just as every fighter clung to the nation during the period of armed struggle, so during the period of nation building every citizen must continue in his daily purpose to embrace the nation as a whole, to embody the constantly dialectical truth of the nation and to will here and now the triumph of man in his totality.”  (p.140)

(Fanon, F. (1969). The wretched of the earth. Grove Press)

34 thoughts on “Unpacking Colonial Trauma in Ugandan Elections”

  1. Hi, my name is Peter. English, Old enough to have watched Idi Amin on TV, realtime. I married my Ugandan bride last month in Kampala so have looked into Ugandan history with an interest.

    I don’t see your Colonial Trauma as meriting a headline.

    The British arrived in an Uganda that did not exist, we wanted to trade. This was post british slavery transport west africa America. The slave effect in “Uganda” was african capture sell to arab.

    The “country” was run by so many kings. Oh yes men who would carpet the ground in front of their house with the skulls of his neighbours.

    What about “pre colonial trauma”?

    Uganda should be lucky, climate variation and soil quality you can grow everything there, nobody needs to be poor. Except for the dictators

    I count three, so far.

    Are they the fault of the colonial powers?

    Well I can’t fix that for you

    To take example, both the british and the french cut the heads off kings, however we took hundreds of years, you don’t have hundreds of years.

    Sorry, wish you luck

  2. This analysis brilliantly highlights how colonial history continues to influence Uganda’s politics. The connection between past injustices and current power struggles is profound. Healing this trauma indeed seems essential for building a more just and democratic Uganda.

    NAGA5000

  3. The exploration of Uganda’s postcolonial challenges is eye-opening. It’s disheartening to see how power dynamics established during colonialism still resonate today. Empowering citizens seems crucial to overcoming this legacy and fostering genuine democracy. Visit: NAGA5000

  4. Your discussion of Museveni’s leadership and its contradictions is powerful. It’s ironic how promises of change have led to decades of entrenched power. Recognizing this as part of colonial legacy adds depth to the conversation about Uganda’s future. NAGA5000

  5. I appreciate the historical context you provided. Understanding Uganda’s struggles through the lens of colonial trauma emphasizes the need for systemic change. Perhaps more focus on grassroots movements could accelerate healing and democratization. My webpage: NAGA5000

  6. The article’s linkage of colonialism to current political violence in Uganda is compelling. Addressing such deep-rooted issues requires a multifaceted approach, including education and economic reforms, alongside political change. NAGA5000

  7. Your reference to Fanon’s work is particularly relevant. Politicizing the masses as a means of reclaiming citizenship seems like a vital step toward overcoming the remnants of colonial oppression in Uganda. NAGA5000

  8. This perspective on Uganda’s elections challenges the oversimplified narratives often seen in Western media. Highlighting the colonial roots of political instability is crucial for a more nuanced understanding of the situation. NAGA5000

  9. The portrayal of power struggles as a colonial remnant resonates deeply. It raises questions about how Uganda can develop a political system that truly reflects the will of its people, free from the shadows of its colonial past. NAGA5000

  10. Your analysis underscores the importance of transitional justice in postcolonial societies. Acknowledging and addressing historical injustices seems vital for Uganda to move forward peacefully. NAGA5000

  11. The article’s call for national healing is both urgent and inspiring. Overcoming the divisions sown by colonialism demands inclusive dialogue and reforms that prioritize the voices of ordinary Ugandans. NAGA5000

  12. The analysis of colonial-era tactics shaping modern governance in Uganda is insightful. It’s crucial to explore how such legacies impact citizens’ trust in institutions today. NAGA5000

  13. Your point about the psychological impact of colonial trauma on voter behavior is profound. Addressing these wounds might foster more active civic participation. NAGA5000

  14. The discussion on militarization’s colonial roots is compelling. Reforming security forces could help break this cycle and build public confidence. NAGA5000

  15. I appreciate how you connected land disputes to colonial policies. Resolving these issues might be a key to achieving lasting peace and justice in Uganda. LIGA5000

  16. Your analysis suggests that decolonization is far from complete in Uganda. True sovereignty might require both political and psychological liberation. LIGA5000

  17. It’s striking how the legacy of divide-and-rule tactics still influences Ugandan politics. Fostering unity seems essential for moving forward. LIGA5000

  18. Your exploration of authoritarianism’s roots in colonial practices offers a fresh perspective. Encouraging accountability could counter this legacy. MCMTOTO

  19. Highlighting the economic impacts of colonialism enriches the conversation. Addressing inequality could help dismantle the remaining colonial structures. BYDTOTO

  20. Your emphasis on historical education as a tool for healing is inspiring. Empowering youth with this knowledge might drive more meaningful change. NAGA5000

  21. The call to rethink national identity beyond colonial constructs is powerful. Encouraging cultural pride might strengthen democracy and reconciliation. NAGA5000

  22. Your focus on the role of youth in challenging colonial legacies is inspiring. Empowering them politically seems essential for true transformation. NAGA5000

  23. The comparison between pre-colonial and postcolonial governance in Uganda is fascinating. It highlights how reclaiming indigenous practices might strengthen democracy. NAGA5000

  24. The article’s critique of international interference resonates. Redefining sovereignty to include economic independence could help Uganda escape neo-colonial pressures. NAGA5000

  25. Your analysis of memory politics in Uganda’s elections is thought-provoking. Addressing historical amnesia might prevent authoritarianism from gaining more ground. NAGA5000

  26. The emphasis on community-based solutions to heal colonial trauma is insightful. Grassroots empowerment could be key to sustainable progress. LIGA5000

  27. Your argument about the manipulation of ethnic divisions echoes current global trends. Promoting inclusive narratives could counteract these tactics effectively. GGTOTO

  28. The connection between economic policies and colonial exploitation is powerful. Addressing structural inequalities might help repair the political landscape. TAYAKING

  29. Your take on institutional reforms as a remedy for colonial legacies is convincing. Strengthening judicial independence seems particularly crucial. MMCTOTO

  30. The exploration of how media narratives perpetuate colonial biases is eye-opening. Promoting independent journalism could help challenge these narratives. MMCTOTO

  31. Your point about addressing land rights to heal colonial wounds is vital. Transparent land reforms could help build trust in democratic institutions. SSTOTO

  32. The discussion on memory and identity politics in Uganda is profound. Confronting historical injustices openly seems crucial for national unity and democratic resilience. A truth and reconciliation approach could help bridge the divides rooted in colonial trauma. SSTOTO

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *